Hospitallers in Clerkenwell
HENRY II King of England Vs HERACLIUS Patriarch of Jerusalem
In 1185 King Henry summoned a Great Council at the Hospitallers' House in Clerkenwell.
Before the lords of the church and his realm he addressed his eminent suitors from the Holy Land, Heraclius the Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Grand Master of the Templars, and the Grand Prior of the Knights Hospitaller.
He had considered their request for him to lead a new crusade to Palestine and now made his decision known to them ― "for the good of his realm and the salvation of his soul" he must stay in England, but would provide money instead.
HERACLIUS : 'We seek a man even without money, but not money without a man'.
HENRY : 'Though all the men of my land were one body and spoke with one mouth, they would not dare speak to me as you have done'.
HERACLIUS : 'Do by me as you did by that blessed man Thomas of Canterbury. I had rather be slain by you than by the Saracen, for you are worse than any Saracen'.
HENRY : 'I may not leave my land, for my own sons will surely rise against me in my absence'.
HERACLIUS : No wonder, for from the devil they come and to the devil they shall go'.
We cannot be certain that these exact words were said at the time, or that they were all uttered within the round walls of the eight-pillared, circular-aisled Hospitaller church in Clerkenwell. We know that this building, strikingly reminiscent of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, was consecrated in that year by the Patriarch, and that it was used by the Order as their Chapter House. But if it was the scene of this clash of giant political egos, then it would be as well that the structure was soundly buttressed.
The priory at Clerkenwell, a little way outside the City walls on the road to St Albans, occupied an area of about ten acres. It was a hospice rather than a hospital. Any stranger could claim rest and recuperation there for up to three days. Closeness to London ensured that it received many guests, including royalty.
It was also the administrative centre of the Order of St John of Jerusalem, the Knights Hospitaller, in England. By the turn of the 13th century the Hospitallers had 28 Commanderies (supervisory cells of surrounding land estates and other income producing gifts to the Order) in England and Wales. The English Knights were not as popular as the Templars, who outstripped them in terms of grants, benefactions and donations. During the reign of King Richard I (Henry II's son) their fortunes would improve, as the Crusader monarch held them in high regard after his experiences of their commitment in the East. In 1194 he would give them a special charter to extend their privileges in the kingdom.
There was strong rivalry and competition for donors between the Hospitallers and the Templars in Britain, until the matter was finally resolved with the suppression of the Templars in the early 1300s (and the absorption of their assets by the Hospitallers!).
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COPYING THE HOLY SEPULCHRE
The Medieval obsession with the Crusades in the Levant produced a spate of distinctively similar churches in England. Inspired by the ultimate holy place in Christendom, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, the fashion was for erecting the most sacred of buildings in the round. These churches have circular naves, which means their largest part (where the congregation gathered to hear the service), was contained under a dome-shaped roof, supported internally by a regularly spaced number of sturdy pillars. They were, in effect, miniature copies of their archetype in the Holy Land.
Some of them were built by returning pilgrims or knights back from crusade. The site of the Holy Sepulchre (Round Church) in Cambridge was granted by Abbot Reinald of Ramsay (1114-1130) to "the members of the Fraternity of the Holy Sepulchre, an organisation about which nothing else is known". The church of the Holy Sepulchre in Northampton was founded by Simon de Senlis on his return from the first Crusade in 1099: "It must have been completed by 1155 when it was granted by Earl Simon to the Cluniac Priory of St Andrews Northampton".
The builder of the Ludlow Castle Chapel in Shropshire was Gilbert de Lacy, who "surrendered his lands to his son in 1158 and went to Jerusalem to join the Knights Templar". The motive in these three examples seems directly related to experiences of the Holy Land.
Little Maplestead, Essex. Others may have existed but have since been lost. Unfortunately the Hospitallers' St John the Baptist Church at Clerkenwell is one of the missing. The original rectangular crypt, and a half circle of stone setts marking out where the nave walls ran, are all that is left. The following is a summary of work undertaken by the Museum of London Archaeological Service and published in 2008 as 'Excavations at the Priory of the Order of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem, Clerkenwell London'.
"The first Hospitaller church of c.1144-c.1160 comprised a round nave linked to a short and narrow raised chancel over a crypt. Such naves, emulating the Byzantine rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, were characteristic of Hospitaller and Templar churches. With an internal diameter of some 65ft and an external facing of finely dressed stone, the round nave of Clerkenwell was one of the largest and grandest in Britain ... An internal arcade, probably of eight piers, supported a triforium and clerestory. The nave was entered from a doorway to the west or south; to the east were steps leading up to the chancel, and the narrow opening and variance in floor levels would have left lesser brethren in the nave with a restricted view of any ritual."
"The chancel and crypt, corresponding in size and plan, were three bays long, aisleless, and probably terminated in an apsidal east end. All that remains in place of this first phase of building are the three westernmost bays at the centre of the crypt, part of the present Crypt Chapel. The style is Romanesque, with broad, round transverse arches, segmental ribbed vaults, and splayed window-openings with narrow, round-headed lights. Some arches and ribs bear faint traces of decoration, in the form of chevrons and scallops cut from a layer of plaster and coloured red. A low stone bench runs along these bays, suggesting communal use of the crypt, perhaps as a chapter-house.
Towards the end of the twelfth century the priory church was greatly enlarged, reflecting the growing wealth of the English Hospitallers. Extensions were made to three sides of the crypt, and an entirely new aisled chancel erected above. These additions appear to have been completed by 1185, when the church was dedicated by Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, during a mission to the west to enlist help from Henry II (who was also present at the ceremony) in the fight against Saladin ... surviving architectural fragments show that the new work was of high quality, influenced by the latest design in continental Cistercian churches.
In the crypt this later work is most readily identifiable in the two easternmost bays of the central Crypt Chapel, a chapel on the south side and a smaller north chapel. The style is Transitional, with pointed transverse arches supported by triple-clustered shafts. The vaulting, too, is richer, with moulded pointed ribs, and the windows are lancets. Two further chambers on the north side, added in the same period, are of simpler construction. One, adjoining the north chapel, has a heavy wagon-vault, and may have been a treasury or store. The other ... was probably filled with earth and used for burials. A corresponding chamber on the other side, now sealed, was very likely intended for burials too.
... It is likely that the round nave had been rebuilt on conventional rectangular lines by 1283-4, when Prior William de Hanley erected a memorial cloister to its south ... The chancel was renovated or reconstructed during the late fourteenth or fifteenth century, probably under Prior Botyll (1440-68), when the Perpendicular windows ... were installed ...
At the time the priory was dissolved in 1540, the church had a 90ft-long nave of three aisles. It had also acquired a tall bell-tower at the west end, described by Stow as 'a most curious peece of workemanshippe, grave, gilt, and inameled to the great beautifying of the Cittie, and passing all other that I have seene'."
[ 'St John's Church and St John's Square', in Survey of London, Volume 46, South and East Clerkenwall, ed. P Temple (London, 2008), British History Online <https://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol46/pp115-141>
Additional resources include:
<templechurch.com/history/the-12th-century-1119-87>
The Corpus of Romanesque Sculpture in Britain and Ireland <crsbi.ac.uk/view-item?i> ]
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THE LAST ENGLISH PRIOR
In June 1527 news reached Sir William Weston "that the English prior, Sir Thomas Dowcra, had died. Weston was elected prior in his place, allegedly through the influence that his brother held over [Catholic Cardinal and English Chancellor] Thomas Wolsey. Much of Weston's early years as prior were spent in litigation, reclaiming former land and possessions of the Order from members of Thomas Dowcra's relations and servants."
As the countdown to the breakaway of the English Church under King Henry VIII gradually gathered pace, Prior Weston made a number of placatory moves to keep his Order in favour. "He sat in the Lords, being ranked first of the lay barons in the Roll of Peers, often aligning himself with government policy ... He was one of the signatories to a letter written to Pope Clement VII pointing out the delay in Henry VIII's divorce from Catherine of Aragon. He was present at Parliament in March 1534 to hear the proclamation concerning the divorce and Henry's proposal to marry Anne Boleyn."
His wily tactics to ensure the future of the Order went beyond public displays of obedience. He watered the gardens of subsequent English chancellors, the two most powerful political actors in the realm after the king, first Wolsey and then Cromwell.
"Weston was responsible for transferring a number of the Order's estates to the newly established Cardinal College, Oxford, founded by Thomas Wolsey." Later, many of the Order's smaller Commanderies were overlooked during Thomas Cromwell's suppression of the monasteries (1535-1536) ― "cash, carpets and cloth were all sent by the Order to Cromwell and the king".
Because of these actions the Crown tolerated the Order. For example, the Hospitallers "were still recruiting new members as late as 1537, when Henry VIII gave them a grant for the purpose". However time was now fast running out. While the prior 'supported' the Letters Patent in 1538 making all the member Knights in England subject to royal control, he was less sanguine about instructions in 1539 to ignore the pope's authority entirely regarding appointments and payments within the Order. (His nephew, Commander of Baddisley, Sir Thomas Dingley, was beheaded at Tower Hill in July of that year "for his loyalty to the pope", interpreted as disloyalty to the king).
"In a letter to Thomas Cromwell in November, Sir Clement West, a former member of the Order, writes that 'the [pryor is] sor syke, and be lyk ded' ... In another letter Sir Clement mentions a conversation he had with Weston a few months before his death [7 May 1540] ... Weston was clearly unhappy ... saying to West:
'[one thing] ye Schall do for me, leve your Kyng with [all hys yll] workes.
I seyd, Jesus, why sey ye thus to m[e more] than to otheyr? What hurt hath hath (sic) h[e done] yow?
He seyd, He takyth my pryvylege a[n my] commaundrys.
I seyd No, the Lawys gyfyth [him] all that a treytor hath yn possessyon.'
There are no testamentary instructions for Westons burial monument. Due to the brothers' vow of poverty, there was no will. It was a mightily elaborate construction nevertheless. What remains of the inscription reads (in part):
'... hospitalitate inclytus, genere praeclarus ... / Hanc Vnnam Officii causa ...
([He was] famous for hospitality, distinguished by descent ... [somebody made] this tomb for the sake of the position he held).'
"If circumstances had been different, Weston would have been buried in the Order's own church but as it had been closed [by Act of Suppression, April 1540] his final resting place was in the church closest to where he died, St James Clerkenwell."
Approximately 2.4 metres wide and standing 3.7 metres tall, the monument originally consisted of two parts, including brass work and a sculpted figure. The upper portion with a canopy contained shields bearing arms, crest, motto and crosses, arches with blank shields, and carved pillars at the base. "Under this, and held up by five short pillars, was a recumbent skeleton partially wrapped in a shroud pulled back to reveal an emaciated corpse lying on a rush mat."
"Weston's monument was removed during the demolition of St James in April 1788. A few inches below the surface, directly under the monument, the workmen discovered of the prior encased in lead. on the upper part was a cross patee [cross of St John] raised in lead. The workmen lifted the cover, observing that the skeleton did not appear to have been wrapped in either a cerecloth or the habit of the Order. Measuring 5 feet 11 inches, it was reportedly in a good state of preservation.
"Once their investigation was completed, the component parts were placed in the cloister ... transferred to ... placed here for safekeeping ... bought by ... moved to ... and it is presumed these pieces are now lost. The effigy was left behind and following the rebuilding of the parish church ... placed in the crypt ... In 1881 ... Weston's effigy was mounted on a plinth with an inscription giving a brief history of the monument ... In 1931 a faculty was obtained for the removal of the figure from St James to the crypt of the chapel of the [modern] Order of St John [the site of the first priory church built by the Order and where the last prior would have been buried were it not for the Dissolution in 1540]."
[P Whittemore, 2014, 'Sir William Weston, Last Prior of the Order of St John of Jerusalem, d 1540 and His Monument', Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, vol 65, pp 271-282]
Note on cadaver tombs: The complete monument with canopy above and corpse below was designed to contrast a dead person's previous achievements in life with their present state of decay buried in the soil. This sort of imagery was known as momento mori, Latin for 'remember death'. The effigy was a reminder that death was unavoidable for everyone, regardless of wealth and status. All ultimately became a mouldering corpse. The religious message of the monument was that the afterlife, (spiritual, uncorruptible, 'in heaven with the saints') should be the central motive for earthly deeds.
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THE PEASANTS' REBELLION IN 1381
"On the evening of Thursday 13 June 1381 a large armed band broke into the Hospitallers' priory at Clerkenwell and set it and many houses around it on fire, beheaded several people, and plundered documents, goods and money from the house. The leader of this band was one Thomas Farndon, or Farringdon, of London ... Earlier on that Thursday Farndon had led the rebels in an attack on the New Temple, London, which was burned, and on the Savoy Palace, the property of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster and uncle of King Richard II ... After sacking Clerkenwell, Farndon and other rebels spent the night drawing up a 'black list' of those in the government they wanted dead.
"On Friday 14 June ... King Richard II (then aged fourteen) rode out to negotiate with the rebels at Mile End, where Thomas Farndon seized his bridle and declared:
'Avenge me on that false traitor the prior for my property which he falsely and fraudulently stole from me. Do me justice because otherwise I will get justice done myself.'
The king agreed to do him justice.
"Farndon and his associates then went to the Tower of London. The chancellor of the kingdom, Archbishop Simon Sudbury of Canterbury, the treasurer Robert Hales prior of the Hospital in England, John Cavendish the chief justiciar, and other leading royal officials were cowering in the Tower ... Farndon and his associates seized Sudbury, Hales, and the other leading royal officials, marched them out to Tower Hill and beheaded them.
"The following day the king met the rebels under Wat Tyler of Kent at West Smithfield. Wat Tyler was killed by the mayor of London and the king assumed leadership of the rebels. The rebels then went home with the king's promise that their demands would be met. This was not done ... A large number of people were given pardons; only ringleaders of of the revolt were executed. In March 1383 Thomas Farndon was given a personal royal pardon, which included both his surnames to ensure that there was no doubt over the matter."
Despite his leadership in the beheading of Sudbury and Hales, and after investigation by the king's bench, Farndon received a complete pardon from the young monarch. This suggests there was some truth to his complaint. He had earlier told a gathering of rebels in Essex that Prior Hales had "unjustly expelled him from his rightful inheritance". It seems that "Thomas Farndon's father was of illegitimate birth, and Thomas had recently lost two lawsuits 'one certainly, and the other possibly' because of this".
"To conclude: The Hospital suffered in 1381 as a religious order and a landowner, alongside other religious orders and landowners ... However, the Hospital itself was not disliked any more than any other religious order: it was its prior who was thoroughly hated."
"It was the opinion of the writer of the Anonimalle Chronicle ... that it was the poll tax that prompted the revolt. The third poll tax [of one shilling for each person over fifteen years , compared to four pence per head before] had been decided at the Parliament of November 1380 ... but opposition to the collectors meant that the money was slow coming in. On 1 February 1381 a new royal treasurer was appointed: Robert Hales, the prior of the Hospital in England. Chronica Thomae Walsingham remarked that Hales was a great-hearted and very active knight [miles strenuissimus], but that his promotion to treasurer would not please the community of the realm. He did not explain his remark ...
"In the country [Robert Hales'] military reputation seems to have increased the distrust felt towards him ['the sort of knight who would misuse armed power']:
on 8 July 1381 the jurors at Hadleigh Castle in the Hundred of Rochford, Essex, presented that one John Buck had told the people of Great and Little Wakering and North Horbury that Robert Hales was coming with a hundred lances (i.e. a hundred men-at-arms) to kill all the people of the Hundred.
some of Hales' own servants (including one of his grooms) were among those who looted and burnt ... Clerkenwell priory and participated in the murder of Hales [Richard Mory of Essex, serviens of the prior, John Webbe, serviens and palefridarius of the prior, and Thomas Notman] ...
he was blamed for preventing King Richard from going out to talk to the rebels when they first arrived in London, describing them as people without reason who did not know how to act sensibly."
"... The Grand Master apparently made no comment on the death of Hales ... The Order did not insist on the punishment of the murderers of Hales ..."
[H Nicholson, 2007, 'The Hospitallers and the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 Revisited', in The Military Orders, Volume 3, History and Heritage (V Mallia-Milanos ed., Ashgate)].
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MONASTIC NEIGHBOURHOOD
By the middle of the fourteenth century, several religious communities had settled in the area just northwest of the walled City of London. The first to arrive were Augustinian canons regular who established the Priory of St Bartholomew and the adjoining Hospital of St Bartholomew in 1123. The next were the Augustinian canonesses of St Mary's Nunnery and the Knights Hospitaller of St John's Priory, who received adjacent grants of land from the same donor in 1144. Finally, after the Black Death of 1348, came the Carthusian monks of London Charterhouse who officially began the slow business of constructing their cloister of individual cells in 1371, on land largely yielded by their neighbours at St Bartholomew's and St John's.
Both the priory and the hospital were founded by a prebendary-priest from St Paul's Cathedral named Rahere. He had made a pilgrimage to Rome but fallen seriously ill on the way. "On his recovery and return to London, he obtained this land from the king [Henry I] through the good offices of Richard bishop of London, and on it he built a house and a church for a community of regular canons of whom he became the first prior, and, in close proximity, a hospital for the poor". The king followed up his initial support in 1123 with a generous charter of privileges in 1133, including the rights to an annual three day fair at Smithfield.
Over time however, the interests of the priory and the hospital grew apart and disputes over governance arose. In 1203, Eustace bishop of London ruled that the hospital and its master were still "at the disposition of the prior and Canons". By 1373, Simon bishop of London interpreted the authority of the prior in more general way. In effect, he excluded the canons from practical interference in the internal affairs of the hospital. In return, the priory was no longer responsible for its maintenance.
"Some idea of the [operation of the] hospital in 1316 can be gathered from the injunction of Gilbert Segrave, bishop of London, who ordered that as the business of the house could not be carried on by fewer than seven brethren, of whom five were priests, there should in future be that number of brethren and four sisters and not more; the difference in rank between the priests and the lay brothers should be marked by their costume, the former wearing closed and round mantles, the latter short tunics ... the sisters should wear grey dresses that were not to fall below the ankles."
This seems a fairly consistent employment pattern. In 1386, seven brothers were recorded as present at the election of William Wakeryng as Master. In 1532 the staff at the hospital consisted of a master and eight brethren. Also in that year though, "the pope in granting a dispensation to John Brereton, one of the king's chaplains, to accept the hospital if it were offered to him, described the house as much in debt, its buildings greatly in need of repair, and its property deteriorated in value ..."
St Mary's Nunnery was founded by Jordan de Bricet, the lord of Clerkenwell manor. It stood to the north of the Knights of St John Priory in a field nest to the Clerk's Well, the site of religious passion plays by the clergy. By about 1160 a curia or wall had been built around the precinct. A simple cruciform shaped church and an adjoining chapter house were also constructed of stone.
"The layout of the inner core of the convent was formalised in the late 12th and 13th centuries when the church was extended and a cloister and other stone-built ranges were built to its north. This expansion reflected the nunnery's prosperity at the time, the consolidation of its rights and privileges by a papal bull of the 1180s, and the creation of a new parish of Clerkenwell in 1176, with the nunnery church doubling as the parish church ... Further north ... a building with ragstone lower walls and Norman door arches ... the 'Nuns' Hall' ... was most likely built as a hall for guests ... also an infirmary with its own chapel."
"Records are intermittent but there seem to have been seldom more than fifteen or so nuns at any one time. There were also male brethren and chaplains and other officials, who must have had their own accommodation, and perhaps a discrete part of the church to worship in. Despite its many endowments and land-holdings, for much of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries St Mary's was in financial difficulties. One source of extra income was the letting of tenements to lay tenants or 'corrodians' ... As well ... there were servants living in the precinct, and guests and boarders."
St John's Priory, commonly known as the Hospital, was separated from the Augustinian nunnery of St Mary's by a wedge of open ground and the nuns' private road. The site sloped gently to west towards the River Fleet and to the south towards St Bartholomew's and the city. The first permanent structure was the round-naved church. Over the next 350 years the number and size of buildings grew into a walled inner precinct with the church, prior's hall and other important buildings, divided from a more secular outer precinct of houses, gardens and tenements for the Order's chaplains and knights and their servants and tenants.
The extent of the house of Knights Hospitaller community at Clerkenwell is indicated by the Survey of 1388, a Report on the Order's estates in England made by Prior Philip de Thame for the Grand Master Helion de Villaneuve at Rhodes:
The head of the house was the commander. Next in rank was the prior-of-the-church (not to be confused with the Grand Prior or Prior of England). He controlled the clergy which included 3 brother-chaplains, 10 secular priests, 2 deacons, 3 chaplains serving newly founded chantries, 3 chaplains collecting the frarie or offerings, a serviens acting as general proctor to the Hospital assisted by a clerk who represented the interests of the brethren in the Exchequer and an attorney who was 'continually present' on their behalf in the Common Pleas, and 1 knight between appointments, bring the total of the professed members of the Order resident in Clerkenwell up to 7 ... counting at least 27 souls.
The resident lay servants of the house (liberi servientes, servientes officii) included 2 storemen, 1 porter, 1 cook, 1 brewer, 1 chamberlain of the commander, 2 millers, 1 'killeman' (butcher?), 1 bolter, 1 groom, 1 door-keeper, 1 kitchen-boy, 1 washer-woman, 1 plumber, counting at least 15 souls.
Plus 'numerous corrodians', boarders, and retired servants.
Prior de Thame estimated the income of Clerkenwell commandery to be £400 per year. This came from property in their local county of Middlesex, lands and tenements in other counties, and income from 5 churches and 5 mills. The contribution from frarie collected in London, Middlesex and Surrey was estimated at 40 marks (approximately £26).
"Over a period of sixty years, from about 1480 to the Dissolution, the priory's fortunes were at their highest, and substantial building was done under Priors John Kendall and Thomas Dowcra ... the inner precinct had more the character of a palace than a monastic house ... To the north and west stood a number of quite grand buildings, mostly stone-faced like the church in a late Perpendicular crenellated style ... Great Chamber ... Great Stair ... Great Hall ...Great Kitchen ... Great Barn ..."
The last monastic institution to enter into the Clerkenwell-Smithfield district was the London Charterhouse. In 1348, Walter Manny rented 13 acres of land in Spital Croft, north from the Master and Brethren of St Bartholomew's Hospital, for a graveyard and plague pit for victims of the Black Death. On the feast of the Annunciation in the following year, "foundations were laid of a chapel wherein masses were to be celebrated for those buried in the graveyard ... a hermitage for two inmates was erected in which continual prayers were to be offered for the dead".
Spital Croft, renamed New Church Haw, was legally conveyed to Manny and others by St Bartholomew's in 1371. This land was granted for the foundation of a Carthusian monastery, the fabric of which was constructed gradually over a long period of years. The monks seem to have relied on private benefactors to come forward and finance the building of their 'cloister, one cell at a time. For example, Cell A was funded by Sir Walter Manny and Sir William Wayworth in 1371, but Cell S, the last in the series of 24, was not completed with funds from provost of Beverley Robert Manfield until after 1419.
"A Carthusian church, by primitive tradition and decrees of general chapter, was simple, austere, and without elaborate ornament, but here, as in some other respects, the monks of London had to pay a price for the support and endowment they received from the city at their gate. Rich well-wishers not only gave them ornaments and built and furnished chapels, but demanded that their bodies should rest in the church under tombs of their own specification."
The chapel originally built for the graveyard by Manny was used as the conventual church. The original building was a simple rectangle of 95 by 35 feet, divided internally into presbytery [priests], choir [monks], and a small 25 by 35 feet 'body of the church'. Between 1405 and 1453 this plain structure became virtually unrecognisable with the addition of 6, possibly 8, small and large stone chapels dedicated to at least 8 saints.
Early in 1536, King Henry VIII's 'commissioners for the tenth' valued the gross income of the house at £736, with obligatory rents and outgoings of £94 and a net income of £642. This compares favourably with the much older Priory of St Bartholomew at £773 gross and £693 or the charitable Hospital of St Bartholomew's at a comparatively meagre £371 gross and £292 net. The Carthusian's list of properties given by the Suppression Commissioners of 1537 includes numerous tenements near the monastery and scattered about the city, as well as pastures in Marylebone and Holborn, 2 manors and rents from 2 manors, 3 'lands at ...', 1 inn, and 1 wood.
[British History Online, History of the County of London, Volume 1, 'Austin Canons: Priory of St Bartholomew, Smithfield' and 'Hospitals: St Bartholomew'; History of the County of Middlesex: Volume 1, 'Religious Houses: House of Knights Hospitaller' and 'Religious Houses: House of Carthusian Monks'; Survey of London, Volume 46, 'St Mary's Nunnery - Clerkenwell' and 'St John's Priory - Clerkenwell'.]
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