FRONTIER MOMENT: Ch 3, THE PEOPLE


FRONTIER MOMENT:  BOLDENS RUN 1840


Chapter Three:  THE PEOPLE

Every tribe has its chief, who is looked upon in the light of a father, and whose authority is supreme. He consults with the best men of the tribe, but when he announces his decision, they dare not contradict or disobey him. Great respect is paid to the chiefs and their families. They can command the services of everyone belonging to their tribe...No one can address a chief or chiefess without first being spoken to, and then only by their titles as such, and not by personal names, or disrespectfully...The succession to the chiefdom is by inheritance. When a chief dies the chiefs of the neighbouring tribes...appoint the best male friend of the deceased to take charge of the tribe until the first great meeting after the expiry of one year, when the succession must be determined by the votes of the assembled chiefs alone. The eldest son is appointed, unless there is some good reason for setting him aside. If there are no sons,the deceased's eldest brother is entitled to succeed him, and the inheritance then runs in his family...(1)
This political summary is from the squatter James Dawson's book Australian Aborigines, published in 1881. Dawson's most influential informants were Weeratt Kuyuut ('eel spear'), chief of the Moperer gundidj and 'great meeting summoner' for the Gai wurrung dialect-group of related clans, and Kaawirn Kuunawarn ('hissing swan'), chief of the Gunaward gundidj and 'great meeting summoner' for the Girae wurrung dialect-group of related clans.

These prominent men in Aboriginal society, survivors of frontier violence, told Dawson (in the 1860s) that Indigenous politics before the Europeans came was quite rigidly structured beneath a hereditary elite of chiefs. This system of government is a far cry from the idealised 'democracy of elders' imagined by modern anthropologists.

As Heather Builth has since argued, the relatively benign rule of an egalitarian eldership who jointly administered communal wisdom and justice may have applied in less densely populated and simpler economies of arid Australia. But in the seasonally reliable and more complex harvesting economies of south western Victoria, territories and resources were closely 'guarded' by an exclusive social mechanism of male 'priest/chiefs'. That is, only one person (and his heir) possessed the 'necessary' secret knowledge of the sacred related to a specific locality. (2)

Access to the 'Spirit of the Land', the mysteries underpinning the local environment and its inhabitants, was restricted to the Wundjit, or head-man, of each gundidj, or clan. His religious knowledge, essentially the spiritual capacity to communicate with (and placate) the ancestral beings belonging to one place, was kept and passed on within his male line. This created a series of self-contained 'silos' of critical information across the region.

As Builth notes, 'Knowledge has always been power". This is especially the case in a spiritual context. Through much of human history, and over all continents, it is "the gatekeepers of the sacred", those who keep secret that which is "dangerous for outsiders to know", who have the most potent social control. Prostitution may be the second oldest 'profession' in the world, but without doubt priest-craft is the first.

In her argument on the particular 'intangible cultural heritage' that characterised pre-existing Aboriginal society in south western Victoria, Builth seems to be missing a sense of irony. Her attitude is that whatever pertained to the indigenous past is an unalterable 'good', and by implication, should be restored exactly as it operated before the disruption of dispossession and 'missions'.

While there are obvious problems with resuscitating the rule of 'priest-kings' in the present day, that system did provide a stable, functioning, society for the people of 'Gundidjmara country' prior to European incursion. It successfully organised, and sustained, a self-perpetuating and reasonably peaceful way of living for the Maarr-speaking clans-people. Property boundaries were clearly defined, natural resources were tended and harvested, and levels of violence were relatively controlled, (or at least contained to the extent that the whole system did not blow apart in destructive wars of aggression). This considerable achievement survived until the 'white man' came.

Who and Where?

The following sketch-map is derived from Ian Clark's Historical Atlas of Aboriginal Lands and Clans (1990) and his Register of Massacre Sites for Western Victoria (1995). (3) The resulting image is an approximation, useful for general guidance only. Actual boundaries were probably more porous than can be expressed by lines on a page. As well, a lot of accurate information has been lost through the disturbances of 1840s conflict and 1860s resettlement of survivors on 'missions'.

For example, land divisions are now assumed to have followed natural boundaries such as rivers, or a physical change in the type of country. According to Clark's assessment, the Hopkins River divided the speakers of Girae wurrung and Wirngilgnad dhalinanong in the east from the dialects of Gai, Gurngubanad, and Biig wurrungs in the west. However, some Aboriginal descendants today might argue that the Framlingham Mission/Settlement/Land-Trust/Forest, comprising several thousand acres of land on the west bank of that river near its junction with Mount Emu Creek, is actually on Girae wurrung land.

Another characteristic of Clark's maps is his use of a standardised form of spelling to name dialects (wurrung) and clans (gundidj). Aboriginal languages generally have a number of variant spellings, some more familiar than others, but all being attempts by nineteenth-century English-speaking hearers to 'translate' Aboriginal pronunciation to their 'written' alphabet.

A major area of difference is the rendering of similar sounding consonants such as b/p, d/t, and k/g. The list of five dialects that were spoken on Boldens Run illustrate some possible, and equally permissible, alternative spellings here:
Gai wurrung or Kii wuurong
Gurngubanud or Kuurn kopan noot
Biig wurrung or Peek whuurong 
Girae wurrung or Kirrae wuurong
Wirngilgnad dhalinong or Wirngill gnat tallinong
 In the northwest of this image is the territory of the Moperer or Morpor gundidj, a large clan of about 110 people (24 men, 36 wives, and 49 children, according to Protector Robinson's 'second list'). These people were the gundidj of, or "people belonging to" Mopohr, "a country of waterholes". In a similar sense, they were the kuurndit/conedeet, or "members of Mopor", who as a group owned the land along Spring Creek around Minjah (which became the site of Bolden Brothers "upper station" after 1840). (4)

The leading men of Mopor in the early 1840s were: Beru.nite.co.we.wen with 3 wives and 4 children; Wort.cap.po with 1 wife and 1 child; Kyer.por.rine, the "big chief" with 3 wives and 4 children; and Weerratt Kuyuut, or "eel spear", the heir apparent, but then a respected "tribal messenger" who traveled as far as Geelong. (5)

The centre of the sketch-map includes the territory of the Wane gundidj, also called the "Merri conedeet". This was another large clan of about 100 members (30 men, 31 wives, and 38 children, according to volume 65 of Robinson's Papers). They occupied land on the "Mere.ry river" around Grasmere, (the site of Bolden Brothers "lower" or "home-station") and the adjoining game-rich plateau called "Bee.nyturt.burn". (6)

The leading men of Wane in the early 1840s were: Woeng.ad.doeng, the "principal chief", with 1 wife and 4 children (including 14 yo son Benne.wanghome); Cor.ro.kite, a "lesser chief"; Min.malk; Wee.wurt; Cal.cal.bor.rite; Turt.burn; Cor.ro.been; Baal.bin; and Burrinowlong. (7)

The route between the two points most actively 'settled' by Bolden Brothers, (the upper station at Minjah and the lower station at Grasmere), became an important thoroughfare for Boldens Run, an 'essential' line of communication and defense on their frontier. In April 1841 Protector Robinson followed this 'track':
There is a good road [or 'way'] for 10 miles after leaving Bolden's upper station and the country throughout its distance consists of undulating land, open forest and [is] well grassed...we travelled along or near to the E[ast] bank of the river to Bolden's lower station, crossing all the tributary creeks in our way...The last nine miles of the river ["Mere.ry"] had but a small margin and the berg was high. The river had a deep bed...a good road can be made by keeping around the head of the gullies. (8) 
This central "road", shown to Robinson by the Boldens' overseer "Mr Adams", roughly proceeded southeast along the eastern side of Spring Creek and Merri River. As such, it crossed directly through the territory of the "Omebegar rege" gundidj, a people also transcribed as the "Ome be gare re geen condite". Nothing more, beyond their name and approximate location, is known about this clan. Their 'country' was pointed out to the Protector by one of the squatter Loughnan's shepherds in 1841, with the curt advice that the original inhabitants were "now defunct". (9)

The anomaly of this 'missing tribe' will be investigated in the next chapter. In the meantime, it is sensible to continue exploring "The People" of this chapter's title - to find out more about the environmental influences and cultural responses of the Aborigines who lived on Boldens Run at the time of 'first contact'.

The following sketch-map "Aboriginal Place-names" is a companion graphic to the previous one on "Aboriginal Owners". Information on Indigenous words and their English interpretations has been largely drawn from Ian Clark and Toby Heydon's Dictionary of Aboriginal Placenames of Southwest Victoria (2002) and James Dawson's "Index of Place-Names' in Australian Aborigines (1881). Once again, the positioning of individual names on the map is not to accurate scale. The resulting image is meant to give a general impression rather than a 'globally positioned' survey. (10)



This second map underscores the pre-existing nature of Indigenous society and law. Language is a 'living' thing. Some of the Aboriginal words still in use in the area are of more recent invention than others. It is argued here that it is the 'older' words, those not influenced by the circumstances of European invasion, that will reveal the priorities of 'pre-settlement' society, indicating what really mattered most to the original people of the land.  

An obvious divergence from 'traditional' use of place names was the 'new' fashion for English and Scottish squatters to have a 'local' title for their runs. Examples of 'homestead' names include Merrang ("brown snake"), Cooramook ("common possum"), Quamby ("lie down"), and Minjah ("rising bank"). On reflection, some of these names seem flippant, a sort of black joke at the expense of white ignorance. "Boss want name, me gibbim name". The area surrounding Merrang was more likely known to Aborigines as Wirrangelleen, Quamby as Wurrumukkarlin, and Minjah as Pechamihronk, after the all-important nearby waterholes.
Other Europeans were less poetic, naming Allansford (Wurrurmunyer) and Woodford (Wurrumbit birrngyaar). Most 'settlers' were not just deaf to original language. They were blind to original purpose and significance as well. Outcrops of stone and sand in a stream meant a convenient crossing place to them, a ford. To Aborigines, these features at the end of permanent waterholes were the basis of fish traps, a weir. Constructed of loose stone and woven sticks, and called yere.roc, they caught migrating shortfin eels swimming upstream to fatten in inland swamps, or downstream to the sea for breeding. 

Squatters systematically destroyed them. Robinson noted as much in his journal entry on 25 April 1841: "At the fording place at Bolden's [lower station on the Mere.ry] are the remains of an old stone weir called by the natives Yere.roc but now destroyed by Bolden's people". The Protector was in no doubt why this was done: "The natives shew settlers runs and waters, in return for which they are turned off". The dismantling of important economic infrastructure
was an effective way of ensuring the original inhabitants removal. Along with the destruction of huts and campsites, it discouraged the Aboriginal owners from returning. (11)

Water sources were often about more than simple sustenance and support. In numerous ancient cultures, natural springs were regarded as points of "access", transition grounds or meeting places between the supernatural 'underworld' and the everyday lives of people walking the earth. This type of spiritual connection was made by local Aborigines too. Ancestral beings 'inhabited' springs near Minjah on Spring Creek (Lurtpii) and Panmure on Mount Emu Creek (Murrimk). The special meaning of such places, sacred and secret, has not been disclosed (or may have been lost with the death of 'authorised' custodians at the time of dispossession).


When and Why

Language is one way to recover information about a oral society. Where history is unwritten it can be inferred from the evidence of archaeology too. The next sketch-map illustrates the relative density of marine shellfish feasting sites scattered along the (current) Southern Ocean shoreline at the bottom of Bolden's Run. Major areas of this form of Aboriginal archaeology are found around limestone outcrops at the mouths of rivers (Moyne, Merri, Hopkins) and where large freshwater swamps lie close behind the line of sand dunes (Tower Hill Beach, Port Fairy East Beach, Goose Lagoon). (12)



Middens are communal rubbish dumps, heaped collections of the discarded, indigestible, remains of meals eaten by people in the past. Accumulating over time into considerable size, they tell a story of consumption, occupation and custom. Radio-carbon dating, where available, suggests great antiquity, and some order of historical continuity, in the routine harvesting of shellfish and crustaceans along this section of the coast.

Middens on the beach below Tower Hill have returned dates from 540, 1,750, 2,800, 4,315, and 5,120 years ago for samples of marine shell and charcoal. Further west, towards Cape Reamur and Goose Lagoon, results are more condensed over time, at 1,777, 1,320, 1,855, 2,620, and 3,080 YPB (years before present). And to the east, nearer Warrnambool, at Thunder Point and Levy's Point, deposit ages range from 2,510 to 7,300 YBP.(13)

At Point Ritchie on the mouth of the River Hopkins (Aboriginal place name 'Moyjil'), evidence of dates even older than these has been found. The baseline for reliable dating is provided in this case by a layer of Tower Hill 'tuff', the air-borne ash and pulverised debris from that maar's original explosion. Shell beds and accompanying 'hearths' of blackened stone have been discovered both above and below this volcanic layer.

Tower Hill has a record of too-recent a dating. However, earlier estimates  of 4,500 YBP were  revised to 21,000 YBP in 1989, after sediment was extracted from the crater lake bed.
Then, when the owners of nearby Davies Quarry advised they had reached the original, pre-volcanic, land surface, John Sherwood of Deakin University was able to take samples of woody plant material to be radiocarbon tested. His "dense dark brown timber" and "brown cylindrical spongy roots" duly returned (uncalibrated) results of 32,900 +/-430 and 32,990 +/-590 YBP respectively. (14)

When statistically calibrated, the revised radiocarbon age of the Tower Hill eruption is now 37,400 +/-1,000 YBP. Note that the material preserved on the old land surface gives us a pre-eruption date, not the range of volcanic activity. Deeper drilling of the northwest crater lake bed in 1997 produced samples more reflective of the volcano's post-eruption status, after the later, internal, scoria cones had finished (Tower Hill is a 'nested maar'). This sedimentary material produced a calibrated radiocarbon date of 34,600 +/-400 YBP. The definitive sequence of volcanic events is therefore over the period between 34 and 37 thousand years ago. (15)

The implications of Tower Hill's eruption history for the middens found at Point Ritchie are clear enough. Plumes of blasted volcanic dust were blown east by the prevailing winds, settling over the landscape up to 40 and 50 kilometres from its source. It is safe to assume that all that exists below this layer of debris is older than it. In other words, the existence under this strata of at least three hearths (with "a small but significant number of blackened shell fragments firmly cemented to some of the hearthstones"), presents strong evidence of prolonged and systematic human activity at Moyjil before the revised eruption period of 34 to 37 thousand years ago. (16)

In terms of human history, this is an eye-wateringly long time ago.

The next sketch-map shows the archaeological evidence for human occupation across the top of Boldens Run. Earth mounds, also called wurn mounds from the Aboriginal word for 'house', are from a more recent archaeological period up to the present, with a maximum dated age of approximately 2,500 YBP.



In 1841 Chief Aboriginal Protector Robinson was told by local Aborigine Ere.ro.doc that "each mound [was the site of] a black man's house, a large one like a white man's house". According to historian Jan Critchett's summary of similar reports, "These were the strongly constructed winter houses that Western District Aboriginals returned to year after year.  The mounds were built up over time through the accumulation of debris -- from domestic fires, from decomposing building materials and the destructive effects of frequent bushfires". (18)

This second archaeological drawing suggests something of the range and density of observed mounds in the Mustons Creek area across the top of Boldens Run. Like the range of shell middens along the bottom of Boldens Run, these are historical survivors, discrete examples of Aboriginal habitations, and do not give the complete picture of residency. Even so, it is possible to discern certain clusters of sites, patterns of Aboriginal occupancy close to creeks or swamps.

A shepherd on the Caramut Run in late 1840 told Assistant Protector Thomas of "a regular aboriginal settlement" on the banks of Scrubby Creek. It was made up of "between 20 or 30 huts of the form of a beehive or sugar loaf...[each] about 6' [i.e. 6 feet or 2 metres] high...about 10' in diameter...closely worked [with tree branches] and then covered in mud [for weather proofing]". Some of these huts were capable of sleeping a family of up to a dozen adults and children; solidly constructed winter dwellings, housing a "harmless [i.e. peaceful] and stationary [i.e. permanent]" population of Aborigines who harvested "fish [i.e. eels]" from "various well constructed dams in the creek". (19)

When the shepherd returned to that place at the end of 1841 he could not find the trace of a single hut. His explanation was that "when the grass got bare or scarce on the other side of the creek where the sheep station was, and one day while the Blacks were [away] from their village, up the creek, seeking their daily fare, the white people set fire to and demolished the aboriginal settlement, and it afterwards became the sheepfarmers". (20)

One of the largest surviving clusters, of 27 flat-topped wurn mounds, is indeed on the north side of Scrubby Creek near its junction with Mustons Creek. In the 180 years since European settlement in the region, these earthern platforms have been further damaged by later landowners' ploughing. Consequently, when archaeologist Elizabeth Williams came to excavate a suitable site in the early 1980s, she was compelled to choose a smaller cluster of 7 mounds to the west, on Macarthurs Creek near its junction with Spring Creek. (21)

The upper level of one of the mounds she 'trenched' contained "large fragments of burnt wood" which were "set into the surface". When plotted out, the data showed "foundations of a hut structure...[a] collapsed and burnt framework...circular in plan...[of] boughs set into a domed shape". These timber foundations dated to "modern" or 98 and 108 YBP, indicating occupation during the early to middle nineteenth century. The different layers of sediment forming the mound were also dated, indicating that the mound began to be formed about 800 years ago (760 +/-110 and 870 +/-150 YBP). (22)

Another mound in this cluster did not contain any remains of a surface structure but the upper layer still tested as "modern" at 103 YBP. Like the first mound, the presence of stone tools throughout the excavated lower profiles suggested that human occupation continued as the mound accumulated. However there was insufficient datable information to really confirm whether this use was continuous or intermittent. The standout figure for this mound was that the construction of its foundation began some 2,200 years ago (2,170 +/-200 YBP). (23)

A 'community' interpretation of areas of multiple wurn mounds was also strongly supported by the Macarthur Creek 'dig'. "A number of pits containing many fragments of burnt rock", identified as "cooking pits" or "ovens", were found between the mounds, as were a "scatter of stone tools". It seems each mound, with its weatherproof hut and small internal hearth fire for warmth, was used for habitation by individual families, for shelter and sleeping only. Other activities, such as "the cooking of food", were conducted off the platforms, in a group setting. (24)

The above 'maps' of Aboriginal archaeology depict something of the longevity and (probable) continuity of human occupation across the top and bottom of Boldens Run. It is a history of pre-existing occupation by Aborigines and also a snapshot of their interactive social economies as they existed at the 'frontier moment' of late 1840. This archaeological record is in close agreement with local practices observed by the Aboriginal Protectors in the early 1840s, as well as those described to later cultural reporters like James Dawson (published 1881) and Richard Brough-Smyth (published 1878). 

The evidence of shell middens and wurn mounds is additionally interesting because it implies a regular pattern of visits by neighbouring clans to, and through, the territory of others to take advantage of seasonal oversupplies of foodstuffs. This in turn assumes an operating network of political interconnectedness, sufficient to allow 'safe' travel.


A fragile web 
 
In the south, a stimulus for travel was probably the seasonally milder weather and calmer seas of late spring and early summer, when rock shelves were exposed and the harvest of shellfish and crustaceans was easier (and safer!). In the north, temporary migrations of clans may have been prompted by the first rains of late summer and early autumn, which began the flushing out of inland swamps and creeks and the seawards exodus of large numbers of fattened shortfin eels to breed. These natural events then became opportunities for mass feasting, for 'great meetings' of related clans, for 'ceremony' and matchmaking.


Fundamental to the movement of different groups of Aborigines to these places of periodic plenty was a system, a political arrangement, for crossing boundaries. A tradition of strong, local authority, with hereditary custodians (chiefs) holding the secret, sacred knowledge to appease spirits and ancestors specific to particular areas of land, created its own difficulties. The spiritual or cultural subdivision of land into strictly autonomous sections required constant maintenance of relationships on a personal level with each and every local custodian whose borders might be affected. And negotiations needed to be made under the assumption that agreement was only achievable between equally 'respectful' parties.
 
Respect was a spiritual concept, rather than a pragmatic or diplomatic one. It had nothing to do with relative wealth or numbers of warriors. It was about 'safety of passage' certainly, but from the 'spirits of the land', not its people. It was necessary to receive a place's 'permission to pass', or risk the almost inevitable punishments of sickness or misfortune inflicted by that land's offended ancestral beings. Only the relevant 'priest/king', no matter how minor a potentate he may be, was 'qualified' to mediate with the supernatural 'residents' in that particular spot.

The system worked as long as the necessary chiefs (wunditj) or their successors were alive. If a local clan (gundidj) died out for any reason, that locality's 'column' or 'silo' of secret knowledge died with them. The intricate web of regional relations was torn, leaving a 'hole' in the geopolitical fabric that might not be repaired for generations. The response of neighbouring clans was not to 'colonise' the vacant land, but to avoid it. That 'country' was said to be 'no good'.

An example of the impact of 'lost' communication with the spirits of the land is found in Proctor Robinson's journal entry from 23 April 1841:
9 a.m. Left Kilambete [Lake Keilambete near Terang] for the Hopkins River...Continued my journey to the Hopkins where we arrived after dark and camped for the night...At about 2 1/2 hours before we reached [the woolshed at] the Hopkins, crossed a rivulet or creek which comes from the Boloke [Lake Bolac]...The native with me Ere.ro.dap, alias Tom Brown, said it was called Ol.lo.cib.berloke [Salt Creek]...Ere.ro.doc informed me that the country around the Hopkins belonged to the Manmete ['nation' of Maarr speakers] and was once inhabited by a section called Bul.ler.bul.lecort now extinct. They died about the time when the first white men came. They were not killed by whites, but died from disease...The country at Kilambete has now but 2 men alive belonging to it and the plains near Gnorart [Mount Noorat near Terang] only 4...Kilambete is said to be unnatural ground because the original inhabitants are [nearly] all extinct. Then what must the country at the woolshed be, when they are all dead? (25)
According to Ian Clark's atlas of clans and territories, the Buller-buller cote occupied land immediately northwest of the point of where Salt Creek (east) and Mustons Creek (west) intersect with the Hopkins River. The phrase "unnatural ground" is Robinson's term for what Ere.ro.doc might better have understood as 'unmediated' or 'unsanctified' land, 'country' that has had its spiritual 'connection' between resident Aborigines and inhabiting 'ghosts' severed. Robinson may have been aware of the dire consequences of this breach. For example, the depopulation of the "Kilambete" and "Gnorart" localities brought to an abrupt end the customary gathering of numerous clans in the Mount Noorat crater to exchange weapons and tools with traders from as far afield as Mount William in the Grampians.

In conclusion, this chapter has been about 'recovering' an Aboriginal perspective of the region in and around Boldens Run at the 'frontier moment' of late 1840. The history of "The People" of this land was long and their society well established. A fairly flat political landscape of localised spiritual authority and possession had developed. This was sustained by an organic web of inter-clan relationships that knitted Gunditjmara society together across southwestern Victoria. This system affirmed clear local boundaries and minimised 'internal' disputes between clans over access to natural resources.

However, while regional Aboriginal society was internally stable, its spiritual 'world-view' for ordering ownership and governance made it acutely vulnerable to external threat. The method of piecemeal incursion adopted by the European squatters, station by station, run by run, unconsciously mirrored this vulnerability. Their unofficial strategy of isolated massacres and localised raids in retaliation for particular 'Native outrages' further reduced the possibilities of a co-ordinated Aboriginal defence.

 Reference Notes
(1)  James Dawson, 1881, Australian Aborigines: The Languages and Customs of Several Tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria, Australia, George Robertson, Melbourne, pp. 5-6. Online text at <nla.gov.au/nla.obj-52770478>
(2)  Heather Builth, 2009, 'Intangible Heritage of Indigenous Australia: a Victorian example', historic environment (Australian ICOMOS), vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 24-31
(3)  Ian D Clark, 1990, Aboriginal Lands and Clans: An Historical Atlas of Western and Central Victoria, Monash University Publications in Geography, No. 37, Clayton VIC.
      Ian D Clark, 1995, Scars in the Landscape: A Register of Massacre Sites in Western Victoria, 1803-1859, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, Canberra ACT.
(4)  Clark 1990, p. 66
(5)  As above
(6)  Clark 1990, pp. 80-82
(7)  As above
(8)  G. Presland (ed), 1977, Journals of George Augustus Robinson, March-May 1841, Records of the Victorian Archaeological Society, No. 6, pp. 47-57
(9)  Clark 1990, p. 71
(10) Ian D Clark and Toby Heydon (eds), 2002, Dictionary of Aboriginal Place-Names of Southwest Victoria, Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages, Melbourne. Also Dawson 1881, as above
(11) Presland 1977, p. 53
(12) Aboriginal Heritage Sites of Significance, VICPLAN Online, <www.land.vic.gov.au>
(13) Edmund Gill, 1971, 'Applications of Radiocarbon Dating in Victoria, Australia' and 'Second List of Radiocarbon Dates on Samples from Victoria, Australia', Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, vol. 84, Pt 1, Ch 9 & 13, pp. 73-76, 133-135
(14) J Sherwood, B Oyston, & AP Kershaw, 2004, "The Age and Contemporary Environments of Tower Hill Volcano, Southwest Victoria, Australia', Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria, vol. 116, Pt 1, pp. 69-76
(15) See argument about 'basal dates of sites' in 'Chronology and Explanation in Western Victoria and South-East South Australia', Archaeology in Oceania, vol. 26, No. 1 (April 1991), pp. 1-16
(16) 'Moyjil Aboriginal Place Point Ritchie Conservation Management Plan', Warrnambool City Council, September 2013, citing J Sherwood et al, 2007, 'An unusual shell deposit at Point Ritchie, Warrnambool, Victoria -- predator midden or natural shell deposit?' Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria
(17) P Coutts, D Witter, M McIlwraith & R Frank, 1976, 'The Mound People of Western Victoria, A Preliminary Survey', Records of the Victorian Archaeological Survey, No. 1, April 1976, Fig. 2
       P Coutts, 1985, 'An Achaeological Perspective of the Western District of Victoria', in J Sherwood, J Critchett & K O'Toole (eds), Settlement of the Western District: From Prehistoric Times to the Present, Warrnambool Institute Press, Fig. 1, Plate A
       Jan Critchett, 1998, Untold Stories: memories and lives of Victorian Koories, Melbourne University Press, p. 116
       Elizabeth Williams, 1984, 'Documentation and Archaeological Investigation of an Aboriginal Village Site in South Western Victoria', Aboriginal History, vol. 8, no 1/2, figs. 1 & 2, pp. 180-181
(18) Critchett 1998, p. 117
(19) William Thomas Papers, reproduced in Williams 1984, p. 174
(20) As above
(21) Williams 1984, pp. 183-184
(22) As above, pp. 184-186
(23) As above, pp. 186-187
(24) As above, p. 187
(25) Presland 1977, pp. 47-48



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